GENEVA, Switzerland – I have always admired the Swiss people and government, and more so than ever this week because of a fascinating seminar that I have had the privilege to attend here. The Swiss government recently established an independent research institution called the Geneva Center for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, which this week inaugurated a research program on military, police and security system governance throughout the Middle East (see http://www.dcaf.ch).
Promoting civilian control over armed forces and security institutions in the Middle East is something of a last taboo in this region, which has already broken through previous red lines on addressing sensitive issues such as democracy, regime legitimacy, religion, gender equality, and personal morality and sexuality. Yet civilian control of military establishments is a critically important goal, if the current jamboree of Middle Eastern “reform” initiatives is to be taken seriously by anyone.
The exercise of power in Middle Eastern or any other societies fundamentally reflects who controls two key forces: the money and the guns. The former is changing in our region, the latter is not.
Central governments’ and ruling families’ exclusive control of fiscal policies and monetary assets in many Middle Eastern countries is slowly opening up, under the pressures of privatization, commercialization, decentralization and globalization. The urgent responsibility for creating new jobs is slowly being transferred to the private sector, and with it the power that comes from controlling the money. Nothing similar has started to happen in the military and security fields.
The dilemma for most Middle Eastern countries is that they have always had to put the immediate dictates of security and stability above those of the long-term benefits of constitutionalism and citizenship rights. This has been understandable to a large extent in view of the turbulence and warfare the region has experienced in the last eight decades or so of independent statehood. But most of these states have also proved their durability and legitimacy by now. It would seem that they could afford to relax strict security controls in order to promote greater democratic citizenship rights and the rule of law.
The military establishments of the Middle East are central to two parallel governmental goals dear to every country in the region: preserving the security and territorial integrity of each country (a universal goal for all countries in the world), and ensuring the long-term political incumbency of each ruling regime and elite (a persistent Middle Eastern mission that most of the rest of the world has dropped, in favor of democratic rotation of executive power, except for Cuba, North Korea, Myanmar, and other relics of decades past.)
The military and security systems of the Middle East are not topics of much public discussion. They tend not to fall under the control or oversight of civilian political institutions such as parliaments or cabinets, but rather report directly to the head of state or effective ruler. Constitutional provisions for civilian control of the military usually exist, but are rarely implemented in practice. Defense, police, and security budgets also are rarely published, scrutinized or debated.
Our military/security establishments have not experienced the same sort of analysis, policy reforms, and practical transformations that have already started to be felt in sectors such as the economy, education, technology, water management, and even parliamentarianism and politics to some extent. The papers and discussions at this week’s seminar in Geneva suggest that if such assessment and transformation are done in an orderly, responsible manner, everyone benefits, including the military, which can carry out its important tasks more efficiently and with greater support and cooperation from its citizenry.
Two important countries where the military/civilian relationship has started to change are Turkey and Iran. Turkey’s military is slowly coming to terms with a reduced role in governing the country, in favor of greater civilian controls through the elected government and parliament (the biggest impetus for this being Turkey’s desire to make the necessary changes in order to join the European Union). In Iran, on the other hand, various religious and civilian institutions compete for power (the religious ones still dominate) and provide a novel form of checks-and-balances. National policy, including in military/security fields, reflects the consensus that ultimately emerges from the competition between religious and civilian authorities.
No Arab country mirrors these two important examples of domestic power centers that generate national policy through compromise and consensus. The Arab governance model sees a single ruling establishment with military and civilian wings reporting to one national leadership, in most cases. Iraq is in transition, so we will have to wait and see what kind of military-civilian relationship emerges there.
Military/security sector governance issues will inevitably rear their heads in the Middle East, in line with ongoing political, economic and social reform processes. Those countries in our region that have started to liberalize their economies have also started to outpace others. Those that open up economically and also democratize politically will do even better in terms of achieving stability and prosperity. Those that allow their social values systems to evolve naturally also tend to be more relaxed, productive, self-confident societies. And those that then take on the last challenge of reforming their military/security establishments are likely to be the first to aspire to the kinds of national gains that are so evident in stable, prosperous countries like Switzerland.
It’s not the cows or the mountains that make Switzerland such a rich and respected country. It’s the economic, political and military governance system that is anchored in civilian participation and oversight.
Rami G. Khouri is executive editor of the Beirut-based Daily Star newspaper, published throughout the Middle East with the International Herald Tribune.
Copyright © 2004 Rami G. Khouri
—————-
Released: 13 July 2004
Word Count: 918 words
—————-
For rights and permissions, contact:
rights@agenceglobal.com, 1.336.686.9002 or 1.336.286.6606